Manual Yes Mister President! Orgasm in the Oval Office

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Click here to get the inside scoop on Monica Lewinsky's testimony. Clinton is now being faced with the possibility of the impeachment process, due to the several accusations. Prosecutors are claiming these to be: witness-tampering, perjury, obstruction of justice, and "abuse of power. Lewinsky and about the many gifts exchanged between Ms.

Lewinsky and him. Lewinsky concerning her involvement in the Jones case. Lewinsky to jointly conceal the truth about their relationship by concealing gifts subopenaed by Ms. Jones's attorneys. Lewinsky to jointly conceal the truth of their relationship from the judicial process by a scheme that included the following means: i Both the President and Ms. Lewinsky understood that they would lie under oath in the Jones case about their sexual relationship; ii the President suggested to Ms. Lewinsky that she prepare an affidavit that, for the President's purpose, would memorialize her testimony under oath and could be used to prevent questioning of both of them about their relationship; iii Ms.

Lewinsky signed and filed a false affidavit; iv the President used Ms. Lewinsky's false affidavit at his deposition in an attempt to head off questions about Ms. Lewinsky; and v when that failed, the President lied under oath at his civil deposition about the relationship with Ms. Lewinsky to obtain a job in New York at a time when she would have been a witness harmful to him were she to tell the truth in the Jones case. Lewinsky's involvement with the Jones case.

Lewinsky; ii promising at that time to cooperate fully with the grand jury investigation; iii later refusing six investigations to testify voluntarily to the grand jury; iv invoking Executive Privilege; v lying to the grand jury in August ; and vi lying again to the public and Congress on August 17, - all as part of an effort to hinder, impede, and deflect possible inquiry by the Congress of the United States" Fineman, p. View this site to see more on Kenneth Starr's testimony. Clinton had also lied about such things as trying to minimize the number of gifts exchanged and concealment of notes.

Although Lewinsky began to tell the truth, still Clinton continued to lie and tried to conceal evidence. Several other allegations towards the reasoning of wanting to impeach Clinton have been made, such as sensitive technology being sold to China, the improper use of the White House database, and possible fund-rasining abuse for Clinton's campaign.

The President, himself, is aware of the fact that his actions with Monica Lewinsky were both inappropriate and unacceptable. It is important to me that everybody who has been hurt know that the sorrow I feel is genuine - first and most important my family, also my friends, my staff, my cabinet, Monica Lewinsky and her family, and the American people. I have asked for all their forgiveness'" Fineman, p.

But is Clinton's apology enough to forget about the entire situation? Many still feel that Clinton's apology is not sincere, and he is only trying to avoid public humiliation and maintian a strong political image. Clinton should take responsibility for his actions and be prepared to face the worst. Whether it be impeachment or censure, the prime focus is to make sure that Clinton does not walk away unpunished. But, it is believed that if censure is the final decision, as the result of compromise, the power of the Constitution and the presidency could dangerously be weakened.

The power to impeach is one of the sole bases of the Constitution. Let's take a look at the whole situation here. President Clinton manipulated and took advantage of a young intern of twenty-two years of age in a public place, specifically a professional place of work. Bill Clinton knowingly took advantage of the fact that Monica Lewinsky was willing to say yes, while he simply should have just said "No.

Lewinsky, the employee. If Clinton chooses to continue debating that this is a private matter, then it should have occurred in a private place, not the White House's Oval Office. He asks why everyone is making such a big deal about sex. Everyone says to get on with the agenda, except Clinton appears to have no agenda. A press conference, pertaining to any other issue, has not taken place since April. Ashley Raines, a friend of Ms.

Lewinsky described the sexual relationship with the President. Raines testified that Ms. Lewinsky told her that the relationship began around the time of the government furlough in late Raines understood that the President and Ms. Lewinsky engaged in kissing and oral sex, usually in the President's study. Lewinsky also told Ms. Raines that she and the President had engaged in phone sex on several occasions.

In late , Monica Lewinsky told Andrew Bleiler, a former boyfriend, that she was having an affair with a high official at the White House. Bleiler, Ms. Lewinsky said that the relationship did not include sexual intercourse but did include oral sex. She also told Mr. Bleiler about the cigar incident discussed above and sexual activity in which the man touched Ms.

Lewinsky's genitals and caused her to have an orgasm. Irene Kassorla counseled Ms. Lewinsky from through Lewinsky told her of the sexual relationship with the President. Lewinsky said she performed oral sex on the President in a room adjacent to the Oval Office, that the President touched Ms.

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Lewinsky causing her to have orgasms, and that they engaged in fondling and touching of one another. When she worked at the Pentagon, Ms. Lewinsky told a co-worker, Linda Tripp, that she had a sexual relationship with President Clinton. Tripp stated that Ms. Lewinsky first told her about the relationship in September or October Tripp that the first sexual encounter with the President had occurred on November 15, , when Ms.

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Tripp that, during the course of this sexual relationship, she performed oral sex on the President, the President fondled Ms. Lewinsky's breasts, the President touched Ms. Lewinsky's genitalia, and they engaged in phone sex. Lewinsky's aunt, Debra Finerman, testified that Monica told her about her sexual relationship with President Clinton. Finerman testified that Ms. Lewinsky described a particular sexual encounter with the President. Finerman otherwise did not ask and was not told the specifics of the sexual activity between the President and Ms.

Dale Young, a family friend, testified that Ms. Lewinsky told her that she had engaged in oral sex with President Clinton. Kathleen Estep, a counselor for Ms. Lewinsky, 84 met with Ms. Lewinsky on three occasions in November Lewinsky, Ms. Estep stated that she considered Ms. Lewinsky to be credible. Estep about her sexual relationship with President Clinton. Estep that the physical part of the relationship involved kissing, Ms. Lewinsky performing oral sex on the President, and the President fondling her breasts.

The detailed testimony of Ms. Lewinsky, her corroborating prior consistent statements to her friends, family members, and counselors, and the evidence of the President's semen on Ms. Lewinsky's dress establish that Ms. Lewinsky and the President engaged in substantial sexual activity between November 15, , and December 28, The President, however, testified under oath in the civil case -- both in his deposition and in a written answer to an interrogatory -- that he did not have a ''sexual relationship'' or a ''sexual affair'' or ''sexual relations'' with Ms.

In addition, he denied engaging in activity covered by a more specific definition of ''sexual relations'' used at the deposition. In his civil case, the President made five different false statements related to the sexual relationship. For four of the five statements, the President asserts a semantic defense: The President argues that the terms used in the Jones deposition to cover sexual activity did not cover the sexual activity in which he engaged with Ms.

For his other false statements, the President's response is factual -- namely, he disputes Ms. Lewinsky's account that he ever touched her breasts or genitalia during sexual activity. The President's denials -- semantic and factual -- do not withstand scrutiny. First, in his civil deposition, the President denied a ''sexual affair'' with Ms. Lewinsky the term was not defined.

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The President's response to lying under oath on this point rests on his definition of ''sexual affair'' -- namely, that it requires sexual intercourse, no matter how extensive the sexual activities might otherwise be. According to the President, a man could regularly engage in oral sex and fondling of breasts and genitals with a woman and yet not have a ''sexual affair'' with her. Second, in his civil deposition, the President also denied a ''sexual relationship'' with Ms. The President's response to lying under oath on this point similarly rests on his definition of ''sexual relationship'' -- namely, that it requires sexual intercourse.

Once again, under the President's theory, a man could regularly engage in oral sex and fondling of breasts and genitals with a woman, yet not have a ''sexual relationship'' with her. The President's claim as to his interpretation of ''sexual relationship'' is belied by the fact that the President's own lawyer -- earlier at that same deposition -- equated the term ''sexual relationship'' with ''sex of any kind in any manner, shape or form. As the videotape of the deposition reveals, the President was present and apparently looking in the direction of his attorney when his attorney offered that statement.

Third, in an answer to an interrogatory submitted before his deposition, the President denied having ''sexual relations'' with Ms. Yet again, the President's apparent rejoinder to lying under oath on this point rests on his definition of ''sexual relations'' -- that it, too, requires sexual intercourse.

According to President Clinton, oral sex does not constitute sexual relations. Fourth, in his civil deposition, the President denied committing any acts that fell within the specific definition of ''sexual relations'' that was in effect for purposes of that deposition. Under that specific definition, sexual relations occurs ''when the person knowingly engages in or causes contact with the genitalia, anus, groin, breast, inner thigh, or buttocks of any person with an intent to arouse or gratify the sexual desire of any person. Concerning oral sex, the President's sole answer to the charge that he lied under oath at the deposition focused on his interpretation of ''any person'' in the definition.

Lewinsky testified that she performed oral sex on the President on nine occasions. The President said that by receiving oral sex, he would not ''engage in'' or ''cause'' 94 contact with the genitalia, anus, groin, breast, inner thigh, or buttocks of ''any person'' because ''any person'' really means ''any other person. The President's linguistic parsing is unreasonable. Under the President's interpretation which he says he followed at his deposition , in an oral sex encounter, one person is engaged in sexual relations, but the other person is not engaged in sexual relations.

Even assuming that the definitional language can be manipulated to exclude the deponent's receipt of oral sex, the President is still left with the difficulty that reasonable persons would not have understood it that way. And in context, the President's semantics become even weaker: The Jones suit rested on the allegation that the President sought to have Ms. Jones perform oral sex on him. Yet the President now claims that the expansive definition devised for deposition questioning should be interpreted to exclude that very act. Fifth, by denying at his civil deposition that he had engaged in any acts falling within the specific definition of ''sexual relations,'' the President denied engaging in or causing contact with the breasts or genitalia of Ms.

Lewinsky with an intent to arouse or gratify one's sexual desire. In contrast to his explanations of the four preceding false statements under oath, the President's defense to lying under oath in this instance is purely factual. As discussed above, Ms.

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Lewinsky testified credibly that the President touched and kissed her bare breasts on nine occasions, and that he stimulated her genitals on four occasions. In addition, a deleted computer file from Ms. Lewinsky's home computer contained an apparent draft letter to the President that explicitly referred to an incident in which the President's ''mouth [was] on [her] breast'' and implicitly referred to direct contact with her genitalia. Lewinsky's prior consistent statements to various friends, family members, and counselors -- made when the relationship was ongoing -- likewise corroborate her testimony on the nature of the President's touching of her body.

Lewinsky had no apparent motive to lie to her friends, family members, and counselors. Lewinsky especially had no reason to lie to Dr. Kassorla and Ms. Estep, to whom she related the facts in the course of a professional relationship. And Ms. Lewinsky's statements to some that she did not have intercourse with the President, even though she wanted to do so, enhance the credibility of her statements.

Moreover, the precise nature of the sexual activity only became relevant after the President interposed his semantic defense regarding oral sex on August 17, By contrast, the President's testimony strains credulity. His apparent ''hands-off'' scenario -- in which he would have received oral sex on nine occasions from Ms. Lewinsky but never made direct contact with Ms. Lewinsky's breasts or genitalia -- is not credible. The President's claim seems to be that he maintained a hands-off policy in ongoing sexual encounters with Ms.

Lewinsky, which coincidentally happened to permit him to truthfully deny ''sexual relations'' with her at a deposition occurring a few years in the future. As Ms. Lewinsky noted, it suggests some kind of ''service contract -- that all I did was perform oral sex on him and that that's all this relationship was. The President also had strong personal, political, and legal motives to lie in the Jones deposition: He did not want to admit that he had committed extramarital sex acts with a young intern in the Oval Office area of the White House. Such an admission could support Ms.

Jones's theory of liability and would embarrass him. Indeed, the President admitted that during the relationship he did what he could to keep the relationship secret, including ''misleading'' members of his family and Cabinet. At the time of his civil deposition, the President also could have presumed that he could lie under oath without risk because -- as he knew -- Ms.

Lewinsky had already filed a false affidavit denying a sexual relationship with the President. Indeed, they had an understanding that each would lie under oath explained more fully in Ground VI below. So the President might have expected that he could lie without consequence on the belief that no one could ever successfully challenge his denial of a sexual relationship with her. In sum, based on all of the evidence and considering the President's various responses, there is substantial and credible information that the President lied under oath in his civil deposition and his interrogatory answer in denying a sexual relationship, a sexual affair, or sexual relations with Ms.

There is substantial and credible information that President Clinton lied under oath to the grand jury about his sexual relationship with Monica Lewinsky. The criminal investigation was triggered by specific and credible evidence that Monica Lewinsky denied her relationship with President Clinton in a false affidavit in the Jones case, that she had spoken to the President and Vernon Jordan about her testimony, and that she may have been influenced to lie by the President through the assistance of Vernon Jordan and others in finding her a job.

After the President, in his January 17 deposition, denied any sexual relationship with Monica Lewinsky and otherwise minimized his overall relationship with her, the President's testimony became an additional subject of the OIC investigation.

The threshold factual question was whether the President and Monica Lewinsky in fact had a sexual relationship. If they did, the President would have committed perjury in his civil deposition and interrogatory answer: The President, as noted in Ground I above, had denied a sexual affair, sexual relationship, or sexual relations with Monica Lewinsky, including any direct contact with her breasts or genitalia. The answer to the preliminary factual question also could alter the interpretation of several possibly obstructionist acts by the President -- the employment assistance for Ms.

Lewinsky, the concealment of gifts he had given to Ms. Lewinsky, the discussion between the President and Ms. Lewinsky of her testimony or affidavit, the President's post-deposition communications with Betty Currie, and the President's emphatic denials of a relationship to his aides who later testified before the grand jury. During the investigation, the OIC gathered a substantial body of information that established that the President and Monica Lewinsky did, in fact, have a sexual relationship. That information is outlined in Ground I above. In particular, the information includes: i the detailed and credible testimony of Ms.

Lewinsky regarding the 10 sexual encounters; ii the President's semen stain on Ms. Lewinsky's dress; and iii the testimony of friends, family members, and counselors to whom she made near-contemporaneous statements about the relationship. All of this evidence pointed to a single conclusion -- that she and the President did have a sexual relationship. The President was largely aware of that extensive body of evidence before he testified to the grand jury on August 17, Not only did the President know that Ms.

Lewinsky had reached an immunity agreement with this Office in exchange for her truthful testimony, but the President knew from public reports and his own knowledge that his semen might be on one of Ms. Lewinsky's dresses. The OIC had asked him for a blood sample on August 3, two weeks before his grand jury testimony and assured his counsel that there was a substantial predicate for the request, which reasonably implied that there was semen on the dress. As a result, the President had three apparent choices in his testimony to the grand jury. First, the President could adhere to his previous testimony in his civil case, as well as in his public statements, and deny any sexual relationship.

But he knew or at least, had reason to know that the contrary evidence was overwhelming, particularly if his semen were in fact on Ms. Lewinsky's dress. Second, the President could admit a sexual relationship, which would cause him also to simultaneously admit that he lied under oath in the Jones case.

Third, the President could invoke his Fifth Amendment privilege against compelled self-incrimination.


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Confronting those three options, the President attempted to avoid them altogether. The President admitted to an ''inappropriate intimate'' relationship, but he maintained that he had not committed perjury in the Jones case when he denied having a sexual relationship, sexual affair, or sexual relations with her.

Lewinsky was an intern, as Ms. Lewinsky and other witnesses have testified, but in During his grand jury testimony, the President was asked whether Monica Lewinsky performed oral sex on him and, if so, whether he had committed perjury in his civil deposition by denying a sexual relationship, sexual affair, or sexual relations with her. The President refused to say whether he had oral sex. Instead, the President said i that the undefined terms ''sexual affair,'' ''sexual relationship,'' and ''sexual relations'' necessarily require sexual intercourse, ii that he had not engaged in intercourse with Ms.

Lewinsky, and iii that he therefore had not committed perjury in denying a sexual relationship, sexual affair, or sexual relations. A more specific definition of ''sexual relations'' had also been used at the civil deposition. As to that definition, the President said to the grand jury that he does not and did not believe oral sex was covered. Q: [I]s oral sex performed on you within that definition as you understood it, the definition in the Jones The President thus contended that he had not committed perjury on that question in the Jones deposition -- even assuming that Monica Lewinsky performed oral sex on him.

There still was the question of his contact with Ms. Lewinsky's breasts and genitalia, which the President conceded would fall within the Jones definition of sexual relations. The President denied that he had engaged in such activity and said, in effect, that Monica Lewinsky was lying:. Q: The question is, if Monica Lewinsky says that while you were in the Oval Office area you touched her breasts would she by lying? A: That is not my recollection. My recollection is that I did not have sexual relations with Ms. Lewinsky and I'm staying on my former statement about that.


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  • My, my statement is that I did not have sexual relations as defined by that. A: I'm going to revert to my former statement [that is, the prepared statement denying ''sexual relations'']. Q: Okay. If Monica Lewinsky says that while you were in the Oval Office area you touched her genitalia, would she be lying? And that calls for a yes, no, or reverting to your former statement. The President elaborated that he considered kissing or touching breasts or genitalia during sexual activity to be covered by the Jones definition, but he denied that he had ever engaged in such conduct with Ms.

    Q: So touching, in your view then and now -- the person being deposed touching or kissing the breast of another person would fall within the definition? Q: And you testified that you didn't have sexual relations with Monica Lewinsky in the Jones deposition, under that definition, correct? Q: If the person being deposed touched the genitalia of another person, would that be -- and with the intent to arouse the sexual desire, arouse or gratify, as defined in definition 1 , would that be, under your understanding then and now A: Yes it would.

    If you had a direct contact with any of these places in the body, if you had direct contact with intent to arouse or gratify, that would fall within the definition. A: You are free to infer that my testimony is that I did not have sexual relations, as I understood this term to be defined. Q: Including touching her breast, kissing her breast, touching her genitalia? In the foregoing testimony to the grand jury, the President lied under oath three times.

    The President testified that he believed oral sex was not covered by any of the terms and definitions for sexual activity used at the Jones deposition. That testimony is not credible: At the Jones deposition, the President could not have believed that he was telling ''the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth'' in denying a sexual relationship, sexual relations, or a sexual affair with Monica Lewinsky.

    In all events, even putting aside his definitional defense, the President made a second false statement to the grand jury. The President's grand jury testimony contradicts Ms. Lewinsky's grand jury testimony on the question whether the President touched Ms. Lewinsky's breasts or genitalia during their sexual activity. There can be no contention that one of them has a lack of memory or is mistaken. On this issue, either Monica Lewinsky lied to the grand jury, or President Clinton lied to the grand jury.

    Under any rational view of the evidence, the President lied to the grand jury. First, Ms. Lewinsky's testimony about these encounters is detailed and specific. She described with precision nine incidents of sexual activity in which the President touched and kissed her breasts and four incidents involving contacts with her genitalia. Second, Ms. Lewinsky has stated repeatedly that she does not want to hurt the President by her testimony. She has confirmed those details, however, even though it clearly has been painful for her to testify to the details of her relationship with the President.

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    Third, the testimony of many of her friends, family members, and counselors corroborate her testimony in important detail. Many testified that Ms. Lewinsky had told them that the President had touched her breasts and genitalia during sexual activity. These statements were made well before the President's grand jury testimony rendered these precise details important. Lewinsky had no motive to lie to these individuals and obviously not to counselors. Indeed, she pointed out to many of them that she was upset that sexual intercourse had not occurred, an unlikely admission if she were exaggerating the sexual aspects of their relationship.

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    Fourth, a computer file obtained from Ms. Lewinsky's home computer contained a draft letter that referred in one place to their sexual relationship. The draft explicitly refers to ''watching your mouth on my breast'' and implicitly refers to direct contact with Ms. Lewinsky's genitalia. Lewinsky's testimony and indicates that the President's grand jury testimony is false. Fifth, as noted above, the President's ''hands-off'' scenario -- in which he would have received oral sex on nine occasions from Ms. Lewinsky's breasts or genitalia -- is implausible.

    Lewinsky herself testified, it suggests that she and the President had some kind of ''service contract -- that all I did was perform oral sex on him and that that's all this relationship was. Sixth, in the grand jury, the President had a motive to lie by denying he had fondled Ms. Lewinsky in intimate ways. The President clearly sought to deny any acts that would show that he committed perjury in his civil case implying that the President understood how seriously the public and the courts would view perjury in a civil case.

    To do that, the President had to deny touching Ms. Lewinsky's breasts or genitalia -- no matter how implausible his testimony to that effect might be. Seventh, the President refused to answer specific questions before the grand jury about what activity he did engage in as opposed to what activity he did not engage in -- even though at the Jones deposition only seven months before, his attorney stated that he was willing to answer specific questions when there was a sufficient factual predicate.

    Finally, the President made a third false statement to the grand jury about his sexual relationship with Monica Lewinsky. He contended that the intimate contact did not begin until Lewinsky has testified that it began November 15, , during the government shutdown -- testimony corroborated by statements she made to friends at the time. Lewinsky eating pizza. Lewinsky did not depart the White House until a. Lewinsky was still an intern when she says the President began receiving oral sex from her, whereas she was a full-time employee by the time that the President admits they began an ''inappropriate intimate'' relationship.

    The motive for the President to make a false statement about the date on which the sexual relationship started appears to have been that the President was unwilling to admit sexual activity with a young year-old White House intern in the Oval Office area. Indeed, Ms. Lewinsky testified that, at that first encounter, the President tugged at her intern pass. He said that ''this'' may be a problem; Ms. Lewinsky interpreted that statement to reflect his awareness that there would be a problem with her obtaining access to the West Wing.

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    For all these reasons, there is substantial and credible information that the President lied to the grand jury about his sexual relationship with Monica Lewinsky. There is substantial and credible information that President Clinton lied under oath during his civil deposition when he stated that he could not recall being alone with Monica Lewinsky and when he minimized the number of gifts they had exchanged.

    The President testified to the grand jury and stated to the Nation on August 17 that his testimony in his civil deposition had been ''legally accurate. During President Clinton's deposition in the Jones case, Ms. Jones's attorneys asked the President many detailed questions about the nature of his relationship with Ms. Lewinsky, apart from whether the relationship was sexual.